The theories
about transnationalism are since twenty years a new attempt to approach
migration and diasporic phenomena. The intention to explore different kind of
transnational relationships, contacts and ties, which cross the lines from the
nation-states and to focus on the transnational agents, networks and
organizations, are the primary research field of the transnational migration
studies. In continental Europe these field is developing in the last 10 years.
The conditions
of the Greek migration to Germany in the sixties allowed the establishment of a
transnational social space between the two nation states. This space nurtured
not only by the bidirectional mobility of the Greek migrants in this period,
but mainly through compatible and comparable sociopolitical developments between
the two countries. This allowed the emergence of social and political issues
and concerns in the transnational social space, which could be capitalized and were
transferable between the two countries.
Α discourse began in Greece about the continental migration in parliamentary
deliberations and in the media of the day, together with the attempt of the Greek
political parties of that period to promote the organization of Greek migrants in Germany in the
“Greek way” (namely through Greek student unions and associations, party
branches and local worker communities). There were also tensions in the
political parties and the political system as a whole.
At the same
period Germany was experiencing the beginning of the formation of a political
movement demanding a variety of socio- political reforms. It started from the
youth (especially in the universities) and was spreading to the worker unions
and the social democratic party.
In this manner engagement
with politics became the main transnational transmission belt within the
transnational social space between Germany and Greece. Transnational ties which
had a sociopolitical character became convertible more easily and were capitalized
within the transnational social space.
Student
associations (mainly the Greek ones) and the workers unions (mainly the German
ones) were the driving force in this case, establishing a leftist dynamic in
this transnational social space.
But this was not
the mainstream in this transnational space. The Greek political party Centre
Union and the German Social Democratic Party were able to get the affiliation
and the loyalty of the majority of the Greek population in Germany.
Especially in
the period 1965-67 there was an important interrelationship between the two
political parties. It was a network of people, who were acting as transnational
agents throughout the sixties and were trying to establish a social democrat
party in Greece.
In 1965 the
Centre Union branch was founded in Germany. This caused many synergy effects
within the transnational social space.
The
representation of the interests of Greek workers and students in Germany
included the engagement with the social and political agenda in Greece and
Germany.
The cooperation
between the German (VDS) and the Greek (EFEE) umbrella student organizations
was such an example, which lead to the implementation of a common congress in
the mid sixties. The Greek student umbrella organization in Germany (OEFE) were
working as a transnational political agent for the accomplishment of this goal.
Another example was
the cooperation between the umbrella organization of the German worker unions
and the local Greek (working) communities in Germany. There were held events about
the political tensions in Greece. The transnational agents for the problems of
the Greek workers in Germany in this case were mainly the networks, which were
active in the German SPD and the Greek Centre Union and were publishing a
Greek-German newspaper, which was funded by the German worker unions.
The interrelationship
between the two political parties led in 1968 to the proclamation of the Centre
Union in Germany as a Sister Party of the German Social Democratic Party.
The foundation
of values for this act were in the minds of the transnational network the Bad
Godesberg Program of the SPD in 1959.
The Godesberg
program was notable mainly because with it, for the first time, the SPD renounced
all Marxist ideas. In adopting the Godesberg Program, the SPD dropped Marxism
and hostility to capitalism that had long been the core of party ideology, and
sought to move beyond its old working class base to the full spectrum of
potential voters, with an appeal to the middle class and to professionals. Labor
unions had abandoned the old demands for nationalization and instead cooperated
increasingly with industry, achieving labor representation on corporate boards
and increases in wages and benefits.
The Greek
military Junta’s coming into power in 1967 led to a fundamental change in
transnational social space between Germany and Greece. Transnational agents
have been transformed gradually to political refugees. Their participation in
an Europe-wide network of Greek resistance organization and the emergence of an
Europewide Greco-phone public sphere, together with the inflow of many new Greek
immigrants, which were de facto political refugees are the main reasons
therefore.
This led to a
disconnection between the social and political agenda of Germany and Greece on
a long-term basis. Furthermore it complicated and impeded the articulation of
sociopolitical issues and matters concerning the problems of the Greek workers
and students in Germany within the transnational social space.
After 1974 and
the restoration of democracy it was not possible to recreate the transnational
social space of the sixties between Germany and Greece.
There were
existing strong transnational ties between Germany and Greece, which had
furthermore a strong political character. But there were one-sided orientated
towards Greece and Greek Politics.
Transnational
political assets seemed no more convertible and transferable in the two
societies.
Illustrative of
this could be a reference to the different political paths of the Simitis Brothers
in this period. Kostas Simitis not only did he return to Greece in 1974,
although he held a professorship (chair) until 1977, when he is getting a chair
at the Panteion University in Greece, but as a founding member of the
Pan-Hellenic Socialist Movement (PASOK) he was forced to deny any transnational
ties to the German SPD. In the proposals of the PASOK Party for the Greek
constitution of 1975, which were conceptualized mainly by Kostas Simitis, the
influence of the German Grundgesetz had to be concealed and partly denied.
Spiros Simitis,
which was since 1952 a resident in Germany and Professor since 1964 gains the German
citizenship in 1975 and held in the same year a German political office (Data
Protection Supervisor for the federal state Hessen).
The Greek
residents in Germany, which were participating in the transnational political
space between Greece and Germany were gradually transformed into expatriates.
The huge inflow of Greek students in the late seventies and Greek teachers in
the early eighties, which were de facto expatriates and held strong
transnational ties to the Greek society helped this transformation of the de
facto permanent Greek residents in Germany.
The Greek
organizations in Germany were adopting entirely the new Greek way of organizing
in political and social issues.
This development
is underlined by the founding of local branches of the Greek political parties
in Germany in the mid-seventies, which were dominating the local Greek
communities and were running for the elections of these communities as the
worker unions branch of the parties.
In the early
eighties social structures supported by the Greek state were established in
Germany. Greek schools and banks are establishing an expatriate community in
the spirit, although the majority of this community were migrants and long-term
residents. The political polarization in Greece in this period was transferred
through the transnational political space to the Greek migrant population in
Germany.
Intellectuals
and university teachers in this period, who weren’t participating as Spiros
Simitis in the political sphere of Germany, who were organized in an
European-wide umbrella organization (Ένωση Ελλήνων Πανεπιστημιακών Δυτικής Ευρώπης) were trying to tackle this issue. But this
happened in Greece and not in their resident countries. There was held a congress
in Athens in 1984 about the problems of the Greek continental Migration in
Europe.
In the
mid-eighties this umbrella organization was dissolved, because the most of the
members became university teachers in Greece.
In the early
nineties the transnational political space between Germany and Greece weakened
strongly and dissolved gradually.
In the last ten
years there is a recreating of a transnational political space between Greece
and Germany, which was forced by a change of paradigm of the Greek foreign
politics.
The Greek
foreign minister Yiorgos Papandreou declares that Greece is not interested
anymore in the organized Greek abroad but in the successful Greeks abroad.
The Greek
organizational structure remain however unchanged in Germany.
In the
mid-2000-ies the Greek organizations in Germany are trying gradually to
maintain transnational political ties to Greece, without intending to
repatriate in Greece and to declare this as a political goal.
Greek politics
was appreciating this change and transformation. But there were not using the Greek
organizations in Germany as transnational agents between the two states,
although there were many people, which were participating at the same time in German
and Greek political parties.
The involvement
of personalities like Michalis Christoforakos as mediators between Greek and German
politicians (at least in the state of Bavaria and its capital Munich), which
never participate in the local organizational Greek community structure in
Munich was not able to reestablish reliable transnational agents between both
states.
Alexandros Nikolaidis, Lecturer at the
Euro-Schools-Organisation (ESO)
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